Tuesday, April 13, 2010

Genocide Watch Article - 17 November 2009


17 November 2009 “South Africa Is Divided on Gesture by Educator”, By BARRY BEARAK, New York Times

BLOEMFONTEIN, South Africa — For a speech about reconciliation it could hardly have been more divisive. Jonathan D. Jansen, the new head of the University of the Free State, spoke of the “place of infamy” just 100 yards behind him, the residence hall where four white students last year made a racist video that incited outrage across the country.


Those students had been expelled, but now the new rector announced that they were welcome to return, pardoned of any further campus discipline. The young men may have been racially troubled, he explained, but the bigger problem lay with the university, which itself was racist.

Moses Masitha, the student body president, was seated just a few feet away as Mr. Jansen, mellifluous as he is provocative, delivered his 4,100-word inaugural address. “It was a good speech until he said he was going to drop the charges and then my head just sank,” he said. “You knew there was going to be a backlash. I wondered, ‘Has he spoken to anyone about this?’ ”

The video, meant to protest the idea of racial integration in student housing, showed a young man apparently urinating into a bowl of stew. The food was then served to five black house cleaners — known in the dorms as “squeezas” — as they guilelessly cooperated in a mock initiation.

Once transferred to a computer, the video made the digital leap from an inside joke in a single dormitory to an international scandal on the World Wide Web. Fifteen years after apartheid, South Africa was left to ponder not only the ghosts of its racist past but also the demons of its racist present.

And now Mr. Jansen, the first black man to lead the 27,000-student, 105-year-old university, was inviting back the culpable whites without even demanding an apology.

“Those boys treated us like we were no more than toilets and now we are being treated that way again by Jonathan Jansen,” one of the workers, Rebecca Adams, complained.

Another of the humiliated workers, Mittah Ntlatseng, said: “These boys have to be trained that we are human beings just like them. Here I am, taking pills for blood pressure and stress. Does Jansen care about that?” Mr. Jansen’s Oct. 16 “gesture of racial reconciliation,” which included a promise of reparations for the workers, was in most ways largely symbolic.

Two of the four students had graduated before the video went viral. The two others were unlikely to return, Mr. Jansen said in an interview. Criminal prosecution of the four is continuing.

But his gesture — the audacity of his forgiveness — dominated South Africa’s headlines for weeks, firing a controversy that continues to emit heat.

Mr. Jansen most certainly has his champions. He was already a highly regarded educator, a Fulbright scholar with a Ph.D. from Stanford. Now he is also praised for his courage.

Archbishop Desmond Tutu, a winner of the Nobel Peace Prize, called him a “great man” whose inauguration speech displayed the bold and merciful spirit of Jesus. “Forgiveness is not for sissies,” the archbishop said. But many others considered Mr. Jansen’s action to be insensitive and arrogant. Who was he to pardon those who had blackened the eye of the nation?

Themba Maseko, the chief government spokesman, said that the welfare of the perpetrators had been given preference over that of the victims. Students, primarily blacks, marched on the campus’s main building and demanded the rector’s resignation. Thabo Meeko, the local chairman of the governing party’s youth league, said Mr. Jansen should be shot and killed like a criminal.

These past few weeks, the rector has agreed to hold talks with anyone who wants to discuss his decision, “to try to find consensus on a way forward.” He looks for ways to further explain his thinking.

Mr. Jansen arrived on campus in July. While delightfully picturesque, the university, located in this city in the nation’s central farm belt, is regrettably segregated, Mr. Jansen said in an interview. Courses are taught in two languages. Whites gravitate to classes in Afrikaans, the mother tongue of the descendants of Dutch settlers. Blacks, by and large, attend classes conducted in English.

“I asked to see the choir, and they came to me with two choir directors, the black conductor doing black music and the white conductor doing European music,” Mr. Jansen said. “I go to the senate, which is the academic body of the university, and it’s all white except for two or three guys from Ghana or someplace. And I looked at this and said, ‘Oh my God, no wonder we have this problem.’ We were sitting on a time bomb.”

Mr. Jansen, 53, speaks in a theatrical style, bringing to mind in both charisma and bulk the actor James Earl Jones.

His latest book, “Knowledge in the Blood,” explores the inherited beliefs of the nation’s white students. Many grew up in an Afrikaner culture that is frequently out of step with post-apartheid South Africa, he writes. These young people are often desperate to preserve their culture and language. Churches and schools are considered last bastions of a way of life.

Speaking of his initial days on campus, Mr. Jansen tells the story of white students who asked if they could say a blessing for him. “So off I go” to their church, he said, “and I see a bunch of black kids with Bibles going in the other direction. I jumped out of my car and said, ‘Excuse me, where are you going?’ ” The blacks were going to their own church.

“So the whole setup — spiritually, socially, culturally, academically — has been to be separate, and no one has done anything about it,” he said.

In this, the campus here is hardly alone. Last year’s scandal provoked a government inquiry into racism on university campuses. It concluded that the problem was pervasive: more needed to be done to challenge misconceptions and prejudices, especially among young Afrikaners.

At the University of the Free State, the previous rector had tried a gradual approach to integrating the residences. For the most part, black students had been willing to live in predominantly white dorms but the same was not true the other way around. White students moved off campus instead.

In his speech, Mr. Jansen announced that he would be more insistent. A new school year begins in January, and the residences are to be integrated on a 50-50 basis for all incoming freshmen, he said. Part of a university education will be whites and blacks learning how to live together.

To accomplish that, the culture of the residences must change, he added. The “mindless rituals” of the Afrikaner students will be forbidden: the hazing and the enforced deference, with younger housemates made to refer to older ones as “uncle.”

Whites are generally fearful of what is to come. “Why are we being made to give up our traditions?” asked Christiaan Steenkamp, a white student living in an overwhelmingly white residence hall. “It’s not races that are clashing; it’s cultures. We should be allowed to keep our culture.”

He thought hard to find an example. “Blacks are louder than whites,” he said. “That’s not race. It’s culture. It’s the way they are. Why can’t Jansen recognize that and quit treating us like we’re a bunch of racists?”

Copyright 2009 The New York Times

Genocide Watch Article - 16 April 2009

This article can be found on Genocide Watch, Resources, By Region, Africa, Southern Africa, South Africa.

Land grab spreads to South Africa as mob seizes farm

Jonathan Clayton in Pietermaritzburg, South Africa, From Times Online

April 16, 2009

An armed mob, angered over the slow pace of land reform benefits, has launched a Zimbabwean-style invasion of one of South Africa’s new multi-million pound showpiece agricultural reform projects, the biggest yet in value instituted by the post-apartheid government.

Government sources said a mob, armed with knives and machetes, had seized control of Forana farm in the rich farming area of Mpumalanga province over the Easter weekend after threatening and driving off local managers and staff employed by the new owners, a black-run farming cooperative.

The 3200 hectare farm is part of Tenbosch estate, a Rand 10 billion (£740 million) land-restitution project. It is made up of several farms handed back to four local communities who progressively lost their historic land under apartheid legislation since 1923.

Invaders, mirroring complaints in rural communities across the country, are angry over the few benefits they have seen from the much-heralded land transfer although the new owners made clear it would take several years to turn around land which although originally seized from locals, has been abandoned and neglected for years.

Agribusiness Umlimi, which controls the joint-venture farm management company Makhombo for the Lugedlane community condemned the action as irresponsible and said it compromised farming operations and jeopardised the ultimate flow of benefits to the community.

Fifteen years after the end of apartheid, land reform remains one of the country’s most sensitive issues. Government attempts to redress an imbalance which saw whites holding some 83 percent of all land, have largely failed, angering all sides.

Critics say the programme has simply contributed to destroying viable commercial farming sector by drastically reducing the amount of land available for commercial agriculture without bringing any benefit to rural communities.

“I would say that 95 percent of land transferred under the scheme so far has simply resulted in once productive farms being turned over to subsistence farming,” Chris van Zyl, deputy general manager of the Transvaal Agricultural Union told The Times.

He said the situation had not been helped because the new owners were frequently denied title deeds without which they found it difficult to raise the necessary investment. In addition, white farmers who are keen to sell sometimes have to wait more than two years to receive promised funds from the government. In the meantime they make no investment on the land.

The land bank which organizes such purchases under the current “willing buyer, willing seller” scheme is bankrupt after successive corruption scandals.

“All this has led to a decrease in production and a crisis of food security,” Mr van Zyl added. “You can’t just take land away from one group and hand it to others and expect it to stay productive. The issue is far more complex. Unfortunately it is a very sensitive issue and needs to be handled with care but politicians take advantage of that and whip up expectations which cannot be met.” Emotions are currently running high in South Africa as the country is in the midst of the most closely contested election campaign since democracy in 1994. Opposition parties are highlighting the failure of the ANC to deliver on previous pledges to end poverty and improve life for the black majority - some 85 percent of the population.

Land, land reform and agricultural production are some of the areas where the current government has failed most dramatically to the extent it recently warned black farmers they risked losing the land again under a new “use it or lose it” policy.

Farm invasions stoke fears that South Africa could go the same way as Zimbabwe where a “fast track” programme, aimed at meeting local people’s frustrations, saw white farmers losing farms violently without compensation with disastrous consequences for the broader economy.

Attorney Richard Spoor, who acted for a group of concerned members of the Tenbosch beneficiary community, told the Business Day newspaper the Tenbosch project was a shambles because certain of the new trustees had abused the trust of the community.

Through Makhombo, Umlimi has disbursed hundreds of thousands of pounds to the Lugedlane community in the past three years, but none of the income was passed on to the community, according to the group behind the “invasion”.

Genocide Watch Article - 14 March 2008


March 14, 2008

World Briefing | Africa

In South Africa, Crime Is Child’s Play



JOHANNESBURG — Violence has become so pervasive in South African schools that children as young as 7 play games such as “rape me, rape me,” where students simulate sexual attacks,” according to a chilling report issued Wednesday by the nation’s human rights commission.


The research, which took 18 months to complete, was mostly done in Western  Cape province. Statistics were in short supply because most assaults in schools go unreported, the commission said. But the report asserted that physical attacks were alarmingly commonplace, including a phenomenon known as “corrective rape” where boys assault lesbian students to try to turn them into heterosexuals

Genocide Watch Article - 9 November 2007

This article can be found on Genocide Watch, Resources, By Region, Africa, Southern Africa, South Africa.

November 9, 2007
U.S. Says South Africa Impedes U.N. Motion to Condemn Rape as a Tactic
By WARREN HOGE

UNITED NATIONS, Nov. 8 — The United States accused South Africa on Thursday of obstructing an American-drafted General Assembly resolution that would specifically condemn rape and sexual abuse used by governments and armed groups to achieve political and military objectives.

While the resolution does not mention any countries by name, the Bush administration has cited accusations that rape was being employed by soldiers and militia members as a tactic for intimidation and warfare, notably in Sudan and Myanmar.

“The South African position is shocking,” said Kristen Silverberg, the assistant secretary of state for international organization affairs, given “South Africa’s long struggle against oppression.” She noted that the South African government took a strong domestic position against sexual violence.

Speaking in a telephone interview from Washington, Ms. Silverberg said that the South Africans were demanding watered-down language that would make the resolution one about sexual violence in general rather than one about sexual violence sponsored by governments. “We think there is a real difference between governments that fail to prevent rape and governments that actively promote it, and we do not want the resolution to blur that difference,” she said.

The resolution, which currently has 61 co-sponsors, would also call on the secretary general to report back to the General Assembly on evidence of government-sanctioned rape. Ms. Silverberg described this as a needed backup mechanism that did not exist in any of the many international conventions and resolutions on sexual abuse.
 
“We want the secretary general with all the power behind his office to shine a spotlight on this specific form of abuse,” she said. Asked about Ms. Silverberg’s expression of shock at South Africa’s position, Baso Sangqu, the country’s deputy ambassador, said, “I am shocked about that statement because we have been working very closely within the African group to find agreement on this resolution.”

He said, “We are objecting to the resolution because it is politicized and singles out clear categories of rape. We want a resolution that is nonpoliticized and that looks at rape in a holistic manner in all its situations including rape by soldiers in detention centers and in situations of foreign occupation.” American officials said that South Africa initially tried to portray its position as one that enjoyed the support of the 43-nation African  group at the United Nations. When American diplomats made inquiries inindividual capitals, however, they said, they found this not to be true, and three African countries, Burundi, Congo and Liberia, have signed on as co-sponsors.

Since beginning its two-year term as a member of the Security Council in January, South Africa has continually been criticized at home and by longtime supporters abroad for withholding the same sorts of international human rights condemnations at the United Nations that helped end apartheid. In the cases of Myanmar and Zimbabwe, two notorious rights violators, South Africa moved to tone down or prevent harsh actions by the Council. And it has resisted proposals for strict measures by the Council put forward by Britain, France and the United States to curb Iran’s nuclear program, even though South Africa is the only country ever to have renounced its nuclear program of its own accord.

The United States had hoped for a vote on Friday, but Ms. Silverberg said that was now in doubt because of the persistent South African demands for changes. “We would like to have a vote as soon as we have a resolution that reflects the interests of the victims rather than the interests of the government,” she said.

Genocide Watch Article - 22 August 2003

This article can be found on Genocide Watch, Resources, By Region, Africa, Southern Africa, South Africa.

Farmers tortured and murdered due to "racial hatred" - farm attack official investigation report latest available SA government statistics:

1991 to 2001 - 6,112 farm attacks, 1,254 people killed
2001 - 1,011 farm attacks, 147 people killed
2002 - 1,000 farm attacks, 112 people killed
Totals: 9,154 farm attacks, 1,613 people killed

Names of victims and the farm deathsrecorded by Censorbugbear and Crime Busters of South Africa in 2003: http://www.100megspop2.com/crimebusters/FarmVictims.html

AUGUST 22, 2003 -- RACIAL HATRED is the main cause of the incredibly high violence- and cruelty level which specifically target the primarily Afrikaner victims of farm attacks. This is one of the shock findings of the long-awaited farm attack report, which the Afrikaans-language Beeld newspaper has managed to publish in spite of the decision yesterday by the South African government security and safety Minister to" hold back its publication".

This report by this independent commission of South African crime experts also confirms earlier findings and warnings which were issued by the international human rights organisation Genocide Watch in its December 2002 report -- when they warned that the attackers had racial motives for the violence which targetted Afrikaner -Boer farm dwellers, that this was ethnicbased violence which unless curbed by the authorities, could deteriorate into all-out genocide of this small, highly-visible South African minority group.

 (see http://www.genocidewatch.org/BoersSlain01.htm) According to the South African state advocates who were quoted in the independent commission's (still unpublished) formal report, racial hatred is an important factor in the violence and cruelty which mark the South African farm attacks targetting Afrikaner farm dwellers.

The racial hatred may not be the driving force of the farm attacks, the main motivation is "the desire to rob or steal." There are also farm attacks identified in this report which were carried out "with political undercurrents but these were in the minority." In 32 of 45 farm attacks studied they could also find "no rational motive for the deaths of the victims" whatsoever.

The committee says although its a misconception that hardly anything valuable is stolen during farm attacks - if attackers take nothing this is due to their having to escape in a hurry. There is no doubt that the farm attacks are being carried out with considerably more violence than routine robberies elsewhere. Victims of farm attacks "have a much greater chance of being murdered" than victims of in-transit robberies or robberies and burglaries carried out in urban homes.

Charles Nqakula, South Africa's safety and security minister confirmed that the report was held back for publication -- in spite of its previously-announced, formally scheduled release to the public on Wednesday. His spokesman Les Xingwa, would not say why the ministers were unhappy about it. And members of the independent commission which had been appointed by the government to investigate the undelrying causes of the farm violence, also denied claims by the Minsiter that the report had been sent back to them for a rewrite.
"The provincial Ministers in charge of safety and security for all nine provinces are planning a meeting with the independent commission to ask them questions and obtain further information," said a commission member.
The date for this meeting has not yet been set. The commission report's statistics claim that between 1991 and up to 2001 there had been 6,122 farm attacks in which 1,254 people were murdered.
In 2001 there were 147 people killed in 1,011 attacks.
In 2002 there were 112 people killed in 1,000 attacks.
This brings the total number of farm attacks since 1991 up to and including 2002 to 9,154 in which a total of 1,613 people were murdered.

The official 2003 farm attack statistics are not yet known. The commission report also confirmed a growing trend which has also been noticed by the Censorbugbears -- namely that in some cases such as in KwaZulu-Natal, illegal land occupations also lead to farm attacks and high levels of violence including torture, maiming and murders.

Furthermore, these illegal land occupations are on the increase and "this is a large source of concern" to the commission. In interviews with convicted farm attackers in prisons, it was also found that "young, unemployed black men with a low educational level are primarily involved in the vast majority of farm attacks. "Most of the attackers also come from 'disfunctional families'. Most of these attackers also told the interviewers that the victims "could escape violence if they did not resist..."

 However this comment did not explain why so many totally defenceless victims -- infants, frail elderly, sleeping farm dwellers -- had been murdered, or why so many farm dwellers had been tied up and extensively tortured.

 Convicted attackers, when questioned about this high level of cruelty and violence, admitted that they had been this violent because they hated their Afrikaner victims and saw them as "dogs" rather than people; and that they killed and tortured and raped for this reason.

The interviewed farm attackers also invaribly described the Afrikaner victims as "Maburu"(the Xhosa-Zulu word for Boers) and which was a term which they considered derogatory, a degrading term for this ethnic minority of South Africa. The report also noted that more than half of the farmers and farm dwellers did not
have "basic security measures" such as burglar bars, electrified fencing and vicious guard dogs.
http://www.news24.com/Beeld/Suid-Afrika/0,,3-975_1405425,00.html

Genocide Watch Article - 2002

This article can be found on Genocide Watch, Resources, By Region, Africa, Southern Africa, South Africa.

Genocide Watch:
 Over 1000 Boer Farmers In South Africa Have Been Murdered Since 1991
Copyright 2002 Genocide Watch

This Genocide Watch is to raise an alert concerning the number of Boer farmers slain since the end of apartheid in South Africa. The threat of destruction of a group must not be ignored because its numbers are small or its members disfavoured because they have acted in discriminatory ways in the past. A critical factor in this analysis is the total remaining number of Boer farmers. The total number of ethno-European farmers in South Africa has been estimated at approximately 40,000 to 45,000. The majority of ethno-European farmers are Boers. In world context, this may seem to be a small number of people. But such absolute numbers are biased against recognition of threats to the survival of minorities. The smaller the minority the more severe this bias.

It may indeed be possible to exterminate a specific group over an extended period of time while the absolute number killed each year decreases, paradoxically creating a false impression of a diminishing annihilation –
decreasing in annual numbers but resulting in undetected genocide. Pogroms against Jews in Europe diminished after the Enlightenment but prior to the Holocaust, and massacres of Tutsis slowed in Rwanda before 1990. The slow decimation of the Ache in Paraguay and of other native American groups in Brazil, while set in quite different historic and cultural contexts, present disturbing parallels.

The agricultural department of a bank in South Africa has calculated the per capita murder rate of ethno-European farmers to be four (4) times greater than the average murder rate for the population of South Africa.

This comparative trend analysis of murder rates for specific ethnic groups is troubling. If the per capita murder rate of the population as a whole has decreased over recent years as the South African government claims, but at the same time the per capita murder rate of a specific group (in this case Boer farmers) has increased, it is reason for alarm.

This Genocide Watch will present evidence of the increasing murder rate against Boer farmers. Additional issues of concern that remain to be further developed are the possible manipulation of farm murder statistics following a temporary moratorium on the release of crime data by the government, government regulation of the national internet domain, and the President’s release of farm murderers from jail.


Questions, Answers and References

Question 1: How many ethno-European farmers were killed in 2001?
Answer 1: The following article indicates that more than 900 farmers were attacked and 140 farmers murdered.
Reference: DA slams ANC’s ‘double-speak’, June 16, 2002, by Sapa, URL:http://www.news24.com/contentDisplay/level4Article/0,1113,2_1200356,00.html

Question 2: How many Boer farmers were murdered from 1991 to 2001?
Answer 2: The following article indicates that from 1991 to 2001, more than 1,000 people, mostly commercial farmers, had been murdered in 5,594 attacks on farms in South Africa.
Reference: 1000 killed in farm attacks, August 7, 2001, by Sapa, URL: http://www.news24.com/contentDisplay/level4Article/0,1113,2_1063178,00.html

Most of the ethno-European commercial farmers were Boers, and also most of the victims of farm murders were Boers. On the basis of this information the per capita murder rate against ethno-European farmers in South Africa was (140/45,000 * 100,000=) 311 per 100,000 in 2001. On the basis of these figures,
by 2001 (1,000/45,000*100=) 2.2 percent of ethno-European farmers had already been murdered and more than (5,594/45,000*100=) 12 percent of these farmers had been attacked on their farms.

Other related references: 1997 - 2002
(1) Old MacDonald gets a bullet. A suppressed intelligence report shows politics mixed up with farm killings. Politics Commentary, Finance Week, August 27-September 02, 1998.

Article (1) indicates that from 1994 to 1998, more than 500 farmers had been
murdered in South Africa and asserts clandestine political involvement with
farm murders.

(2) Kill the Boer, Kill the farmer. What was once a distasteful political slogan has become a frightening reality, by Ted Keenan, Finance Week, August 27-September 02, 1998.
Article (2) decries the “kill the Boer, kill the farmer” slogan, which has
continued to be used in hate speeches up to the present. (The slogan was,
however, publicly condemned by President Mbeki in 2002.)

(3) Farms become ‘the killing fields’ in Natal (translated), by Andriette Stofberg in Beeld, December 13, 1997, page 11.
Article (3) provides a shocking account of the brutality against farmers in the province of KwaZulu-Natal. In one area three (3) farmers were murdered within one month. In an incident at Paulpietersburg on October 5, 1997, Mrs.Viviane Gevers (60) was shot execution style while kneeling in prayer outside church after a church service. In another incident on a farm in the KwaZulu-Natal Midlands the Freese family was attacked in their beds in the early hours of a March Sunday morning in 1997. The little girls aged four (4) and ten (10)
were assaulted with baseball bats along with their parents and strangled in an attempt to murder them. Children’s eyes were beaten from their skull sockets; the parents sustained brain damage. Mrs. Cadle tells how her husband was shot in front of her and that her attackers made racist remarks. Another attack on the Niebuhr family one Sunday evening on a farm in the Paulpietersburg area is also described. The common thread throughout every account of these farm attacks is the brutality against the farmers, their wives and children. It is asserted that the primary motivation is not robbery, but instead it is torture and murder.

(4) Stats show crime increasing year-on-year, by Mpumzi Zuzile, September 8, 2001, URL: http://www.dispatch.co.za
Article (4) reports on a Nedbank ISS Crime Index for July and reveals “Othat attacks on farms and smallholdings are defined as acts aimed against the person, whether with the intent to murder, rob, rape or  inflict bodily harm.” (paragraph 3). Also, from 1997 to 2000 there were about 2,917 attacks on farms and smallholdings; about 512 farmers were killed.

(5) Farm-attack claims two: Man shoots mother and daughters (translated), by Danie Toerien of Beeld newspaper, October 16, 2001, URL: http://152.111.1.42/cgi/nphbwcgis/BEELD2/beeld2/alg/storie/DDW?W%3DTEKS%20PH%20WORDS%20%27lynette%20jooste%27%26M%3D12%26K%3D278975%26R%3DY%26U%3D1
Article (5) reports on the murder of a mother, Lynette Jooste, and her daughter, Ilse (age 14) in their farm house. The second daughter, Yolande (age 16) was shot several times. It is unknown if she survived the subsequent surgery.

(6) Farm killers ‘hid’ body, by Liela Magnus, January 7, 2002, URL: http://www.news24.com.
Article (6) provides an account of the murder of Mrs. Susan van den Heever (age 72) after she was tied up and could have posed no threat to the assailants. She was shot to death with an AK47 automatic assault rifle.

(7) ‘I heard her screams’, by Nicolize Mulder, February 13, 2002, URL: http://www.news24.com.
Article (7) describes the torture of the farm couple Salie Nortje (age 67) and Ria Nortje (age 54) before they were murdered. They were torched alive.

(8) Robber gang’s victims now in custody (translated), by De Wet Potgieter of Rapport newspaper, February 9, 2002, URL: http://152.111.1.42/cgi/nphbwcgis/RAPPORT/rapport/alg/storie/DDW?W%3DOPSKRIF%20PH%20IS%20%27bende%20rowers%20se%20slagoffers%20nou%20in%20hegtenis%27%26M%3D1%26K%3D398591%26R%3DY%26U%3D1
Article (8) reports that the Cohen’s were informed by police of their impending arrest while visiting their mother in hospital after she sustained injuries in a farm attack in which firearms were used against them. The charges were brought against them by two of the six attackers that they apprehended.

Articles (9) to (14) give accounts of incidents of abduction from farms, execution style murders, and the ordeals of kidnapped children from farms. (9) Farm murder suspects cheered, by Marelize Stiemie, March 28, 2001, URL: http://www.news24.com/contentDisplay/level4Article/0,1113,2_1003034,00.html

(10) SA farmers under siege, by Sapa, March 28, 2001, URL: http://www.news24.com/News24/South_Africa/0,1113,2-7_1002894,00.html

(11) ‘Murder suspect was released’, by Sam Mkokeli and Percy Callaghan, March 27, 2001, URL: http://www.news24.com/News24/South_Africa/EasternCape/0,1113,2-7-836_1002343,00.html

(12) Girl’s night of terror after grandparents’ murder, by Die Burger, March 26, 2001, URL: http://www.news24.com/News24/South_Africa/EasternCape/0,1113,2-7-836_1001893,00.html

(13) Farm attack suspects nabbed, by Sapa, January 16, 2002, URL: http://www.news24.co/contentDisplay/level4Article/0,1113,2_1131650,00.html

(14) Double murder baffles cops, by Rapport, June 03, 2001, URL: http://www.news24.com/contentDisplay/level4Article/0,1113,2-7-836_1033986,00.html

(15) Farm attacks and the African Renaissance: Opposite reactions to a devastating European culture, by C.J. Moolman (Criminologist), URL: http://www.100megspop2.com/crimebusters/FarmMurders.html.
 Reference (15) is a study of farm attacks by a criminologist.

(16) Mbeki’s secret amnesty list revealed, by Denver Donian and Louise Flanagan, Independent Online, May 13, 2002, http://www.iol.co.za.

(17) Cronyism at its most obscene, by Robert Kirby, Mail and Guardian Online, May 23, 2002, http://www.mg.co.za.

Articles (16) and (17) give journalistic commentary on recent political developments in South Africa with some reference to the government’s conduct regarding farm murderers.A Netherlands based website provides extensive information on the murder of farmers in South Africa. It also provides a list of known individuals of all ethnicities murdered on South African farms. This community of journalists gives a comprehensive critique of the South African situation and their focus on agricultural matters makes them the most authoritative source for information on atrocities committed against South African farmers. They may be accessed on the internet at www.censorbugbear.com.

Genocide Watch calls attention to this potential threat of destruction of an ethnic group, which has reached at least level four, Organization, and probably level five, Polarization, in Genocide Watch’s stages of the genocidal process. We call upon South African government and civil society, especially human rights, legal,
and religious groups, to resolutely and vocally oppose those who advocate hatred against Boer farmers. Those who have committed these murders must be brought to justice.

TIA - This is Africa


(I recieved this via e-mail, and although it echos my own experiances and views, I can not claim to be the author.)

James Jackson is the bestselling author of historical thrillers including Blood Rock and Pilgrim. As a postgraduate he specialised in analysing future trends in international terrorism, was called to the Bar, and worked for many years as a political-risk consultant. His non-fiction publications include The Counter-terrorist Handbook. He is based in London.

WHY AFRICA HAS GONE TO HELL

White Zimbabweans [he means Rhodesians] used to tell a joke-what is the difference between a tourist and a racist? The answer-about a week.

Few seem to joke any more. Indeed, the last time anyone laughed out there was over the memorable head-line "BANANA CHARGED WITH SODOMY" (relating to the Reverend Canaan Banana and his alleged proclivities). 
Zimbabwe was just the latest African state to squander its potential, to swap civil society for civil strife and pile high its corpses. Then the wrecking virus moves on and a fresh spasm of violence erupts elsewhere. Congo , Ivory Coast , Sudan ,Rwanda , Sierra Leone , even Kenya . Take your pick, for it is the essence of Africa , the recurring A-Z of horror. Therefore, as surely as Nelson Mandela took those steps from captivity to freedom, his own country will doubtless shuffle into chaos and ruin.

Mark my words. One day it will be the turn of 
South Africa to revert to type, its farms that lie wasted and its towns that are battle zones, its dreams and expectations that lie rotting on the veldt. That is the way of things. Africa rarely surprises, it simply continues to appall.

When interviewed on BBC Radio, the legendary South African jazz musician Hugh Masekela spoke of the 350-year struggle for freedom by blacks in 
South Africa. The man might play his trumpet like a dream, but he talks arrant nonsense. What he has bought into is a false narrative that rewrites history and plays upon post-colonial liberal angst. The construct is as follows: white, inglorious and bad; black, noble and good; empire, bad; independence, good; the west, bad; the African, good. Forgotten in all this is that while Europeans were settling and spreading from the Cape, the psychopathic Shaka Zulu was employing his Impi to crush everyone-including the Xhosa-in his path, and the Xhosa were themselves busy slaughtering Bushmen and Hottentots. Yet it is the whites who take the rap, for it was they who won the skirmishes along the Fish and Blood Rivers and who eventually gained the prize.

What suffers is the truth, and-of course- 
Africa. We are so cowed by the moist-eyed mantras of the left and the oath-laden platitudes of Bono and Geldof, we are forced to accept collective responsibility for the bloody mess that is now Africa. It paralyses us while excusing the black continent and its rulers.

Whenever I hear people agitate for the freezing of Third World debt, I want to shout aloud for the freezing of those myriad overseas bank accounts held by black African leaders (President Mobutu of Zaire alone is believed to have squirreled away well over $10 billion). Whenever apartheid is held up as a blueprint for evil, I want to mention Bokassa snacking on human remains, Amin clogging a hydro-electric dam with floating corpses, the President of
Equatorial Guinea crucifying victims along the roadway from his airport. Whenever slavery is dredged up, I want to remind everyone the Arabs were there before us, the native Ashanti and others were no slouches at the game, and it remains extant in places like the Ivory Coast. Whenever I hear the Aids pandemic somehow blamed on western indifference, I want to point to the African native practice of dry sex, the hobby-like prevalence of rape and the clumps of despotic black leaders who deny a link between the disease and HIV and who block the provision of anti-retrovirals. And whenever Africans bleat of imperialism and colonialism, I want to campaign for the demolition of every road, college, and hospital we ever built to let them start again. It is time they governed themselves. Yet few play the victim card quite so expertly as black Africans; few are quite so gullible as the white liberal-left.

"On the eve of this millennium,
Nelson Mandela and friends lit candles mapping the shape of their continent and declared the Twenty-first Century would belong to Africa. It's a pity that for every Mandela, there are over a hundred Robert Mugabes."

So 
Britain had an empire and Britain did slavery. Boo hoo. Deal with it. Move on. Slavery ended here over two hundred years ago. More recently, there were tens of millions of innocents enslaved or killed in Europe by the twin industrialised evils of Nazism and Stalinism. My own first cousins-twin brothers aged sixteen-died down a Soviet salt mine. I need no lecture on shackles and neck-irons. Most of us are descendents of both oppressors and oppressed; most of us get over it. Mind you, I am tempted by thoughts of compensation from Scandinavia for the wickedness of its Viking raids and its slaving-hub on the Liffe. As for the 1066 invasion of England by William the Bastard.

The white man's burden is guilt over 
Africa (the black man's is sentimentality) , and we are blind for it. We have tipped hundreds of billions of aid-dollars into Africa without first ensuring proper governance. We encourage NGOs and food-parcels and have built a culture of dependency. We shy away from making criticism, tiptoe around the crassness of the African Union and flinch at every anti-western jibe. The result is a free-for-all for every syphilitic black despot and his coterie of family functionaries.

Africa casts a long and toxic shadow across our consciousness. It is patronised and allowed to underperform, so too its distant black diaspora. A black London pupil is excluded from his school, not because he is lazy, stupid or disruptive, but because that school is apparently racist; a black youth is pulled over by the police, not because black males commit over eighty percent of street crime, but because the authorities are somehow corrupted by prejudice. Thus the tale continues. Excuse is everywhere and a sense of responsibility nowhere. You will rarely find either a black national leader in Africa or a black community leader in the west prepared to put up his hands and say it is our problem, our fault. Those who look to Africa for their roots, role-models and inspiration are worshipping false gods. And like all false gods, the feet are of clay, the snouts long and designed for the trough, and the torture-cells generally well-equipped.

I once met the son of a Liberian government minister and asked if he had seen video-footage of his former president Samuel Doe being tortured to death. 'Of course', he replied with a smile. 'Everyone has'. They cut off the ears of Doe and force-fed them to him. His successor, the warlord Charles Taylor, was elected in a landslide result using the campaign slogan "He killed my ma, he killed my pa, but I will vote for him". Nice people. 
Liberia was founded and colonised by black Americans to demonstrate what slave stock could achieve. They certainly showed us. Forgive my heretical belief that had a black instead of a white tribe earlier come to dominate South Africa, its opponents would not have been banished to Robben island. They would have been butchered and buried there.

When asked about the problem of 
Africa, Harold Macmillan suggested building a high wall around the continent and every century or so removing a brick to check on progress. I suspect that over entire millennia, the view would prove bleak and unvarying.

Visiting a state in 
West Africa a few years ago, I wandered onto a beach and marvelled at the golden sands and at the sunlight catching on the Atlantic surf. It allowed me to forget for a moment the local news that day of soldiers seizing a schoolboy and pitching him head-first into an operating cement-machine. Almost forget. Then I spotted a group of villagers beating a stray dog to death for their sport. A metaphor of sorts for all that is wrong, another link in a word-association chain that goes something like Famine. Drought. Overpopulation. Deforestation. Conflict. Barbarism. Cruelty. Machetes. Child Soldiers. Massacres. Diamonds. Warlords.Tyranny. Corruption. Despair. Disease. Aids. Africa.

Africa remains the heart of darkness. Africa is hell.